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At 9:40 AM on 24 December 2025, the Thai military fired artillery shells into a Cambodian civilian area in Koun Trei Village (near National Road No. 5), Koub Commune, Ou Chrov District, Banteay Meanchey Province, resulting in two civilians, including one child, sustaining serious injuries.
Both China and the United States, if they do not want to be seen as a threat in their talks with Thailand, must first understand the customs of this nation clearly. Otherwise, they will surely be humiliated, because Thailand will definitely take the blame for itself, blame Cambodia for its abuse, and refuse to enter the negotiation table. Therefore, to protect their honor, the two superpowers must use their influence to put more pressure on Thailand than just diplomatic mechanisms, so that Thailand will find it difficult to refuse. I understand that the Thai side's shooting at Cambodia for the past 13 days has certainly made both superpowers see clearly who the real victims are. The Cambodian people firmly believe that they will get justice through their common sense.
credit by kosal chum
l
am proud to witness the enduring strength of the Khmer nation at a time
when our country is facing difficulties due to the invasion by the
neighboring country. His Majesty
the King, national leaders, government officials at all levels, and
Cambodian citizens of all faiths and religions, both at home and abroad,
have demonstrated a strong sense of national solidarity in support of
our heroic armed forces and the national police, who are carrying out
their missions with bravery to protect the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Cambodia. May the great strength of the Khmer nation
continue to serve as a powerful force that supports and strengthens our
heroic armed forces and the national police as they continue to carry
out their mission to defend the nation's territory. The Royal Government
stands with the people, as well as with our heroic armed forces and the
national police, at all times.
In order to uphold the dignity of Cambodia, as well as that of Russia and other foreign nationals who have been accused, I would like to clearly state that Cambodia does not have any Russian nationals or other foreign nationals participating in combat operations on the battlefield or serving as military advisors to the Cambodian armed forces.
We acknowledge that there are currently many foreign nationals of various nationalities residing in Cambodia, including tourists, investors, technical experts, and individuals working for foreign or local companies. However, these individuals are not involved in military affairs or combat operations.
On December 16, 2025, the Thai army continued firing 155mm artillery shells into Cambodian civilian areas, causing severe damage to civilian homes in Teuk Kraham Village, Teuk Kraham Commune, Choam Khsant District, Preah Vihear Province, at a distance of about 20 kilometers from the border.
We have not had foreign troops on Cambodian soil since UNTAC withdrew from Cambodia in 1993. We acknowledge that in the past, foreign military forces have entered Cambodia to conduct multinational or bilateral joint military exercises on Cambodian territory, particularly foreign naval forces arriving through the seaport of Preah Sihanouk Province. This is a normal practice that many other countries have also undertaken within the framework of defense cooperation.
Day 10 of the Thai military invasion of Cambodia! Cambodia's brave soldiers and police heroes have continued to stand strong, brave, and fiercely fighting the invading enemy on all battlefields to protect the territorial integrity and people of Cambodia at all costs.
-You crawled, walked and ran forward while nearly half a million civilians fled and ran behind.
-Your courage is a shield for the Cambodian nation and the Khmer people.
-You sacrificed to protect our poor homeland, our ancestral land, our history and our future.
-You have continued to fight so that Cambodia can continue to have a tomorrow.
And so, the entire Cambodian nation thanks you, is grateful to you and is indebted to you…
As border clashes continue and international pressure rises, Trump’s declaration sounded like a decisive moment. But inside Thailand, officials reacted with something far more subtle: a shift from crisis theatre to controlled diplomacy, using process to dilute the impact of foreign intervention.
Thailand is steadily cooling Trump’s dramatic “I will call and end it” line by shifting the entire moment into bureaucratic procedure. Their message is that no coordination has arrived, and any leader-level call must follow formal diplomatic steps, prepared agendas, and agreed talking points. Thai PBS presents it as “leader talks have steps.” Reuters quotes Anutin repeating that you cannot simply pick up the phone; there must be an appointment and structure.
This is more than administrative language. It is a strategic downgrade. It turns Trump’s promise of a decisive intervention into something Thailand will process on its own terms. Procedure shields sovereignty, prevents the appearance of being pressured, buys time to prepare the political and military narrative, and ensures any conversation unfolds inside Thailand’s chosen frame rather than Trump’s.
The second layer is firmer: “not time for talks” and “not safe yet.” Matichon quotes the MFA saying Thailand will listen to any contact but cannot make agreements because the situation is not safe. Thai PBS echoes that Thailand has not decided to return to negotiations.
That phrasing performs two functions at once. To Thai citizens, it signals responsibility: not rejecting peace, but prioritizing safety. To Washington, it signals limits: a phone call cannot produce an instant deal. And because “safe” is undefined, it becomes a flexible gate capable of justifying continued operations, delayed diplomacy, or resistance to external timelines.
Taken together, this is a disciplined posture. Thailand is not dismissing Trump, but it is refusing to let Trump’s intervention dictate timing, terms, or outcomes.
What to watch:
1. A shift from “not time for talks” to “talks under conditions.”
2. Whether Thailand or the US releases the first call readout.
3. Whether Thai statements begin naming concrete safety criteria, signalling that an exit ramp is being prepared.
Midnight
Cambodia’s Appeal to the UN: Why This Conflict Now Demands International Attention
Cambodia’s formal submission to the President of the UN Security Council marks a decisive turn in how the current border crisis should be understood. The letter is not only a record of military incidents; it is a reminder that a conflict which once fit the category of a bilateral dispute has now breached the frameworks that preserve stability in Southeast Asia. The pattern, the weapons, the timings, and the legal context collectively place the situation within the Security Council’s mandate.
Over recent days, Thailand’s operations have unfolded across several provinces with unusual speed and coordination. Artillery fire, drone activity, toxic smoke, fighter aircraft, and concentrated mortar attacks were launched in overlapping phases. Such multi-domain escalation does not emerge from confusion or local misunderstanding. It reflects a deliberate shift in posture that Cambodia is required to report under Articles 34 and 35(1) of the UN Charter.
This escalation took place after Thailand unilaterally suspended the Kuala Lumpur Peace Accord, a framework negotiated with international engagement and designed precisely to prevent armed incidents from spiralling into wider conflict. Once that agreement was set aside, Cambodia was left without a functioning bilateral mechanism to manage disputes. Its appeal to the Security Council restores an institutional channel in place of an absent one, signalling that the dispute must now return to the procedures that protect civilians, uphold commitments, and prevent regional destabilisation.
The nature of Thailand’s operations raises additional concerns. Airspace intrusions by military aircraft represent a higher level of violation than ground incidents; they involve pre-planned flight paths, cross into sovereign airspace, and introduce risks for civilian aviation routes. No advance warnings were issued to communities near the areas of attack, despite clear requirements under international humanitarian law that armed forces must give notice when civilians may be affected. The deployment of toxic smoke and suicide-style drones near civilian zones further raises questions under the principles of distinction, precaution, and proportionality. Even when such methods do not constitute chemical weapons, their use in populated environments demands scrutiny.
These concerns take on greater weight when hostilities occur near cultural heritage sites. The Temple of Preah Vihear, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is protected under the 1954 Hague Convention. Its proximity to active clashes places cultural heritage at risk in a way that touches not only Cambodia’s national identity but the shared heritage of humanity. States have heightened obligations to preserve such sites, and violations in their vicinity carry international significance.
Humanitarian consequences are becoming more visible as fighting continues. Families have moved into temporary shelters, public infrastructure has been damaged, and schools in affected areas have been disrupted. International reporting is beginning to reflect this shift, highlighting displacement and the possibility of secondary movement deeper into Cambodian territory. In border regions, such movement rarely stays local; it affects agricultural cycles, cross-border trade, and the functioning of economic corridors that underpin livelihoods across the region.
Cambodia’s conduct in this period has emphasised restraint and procedural discipline. Despite repeated attacks, Cambodian forces refrained from immediate retaliation for over twenty-four hours to avoid escalation and protect civilians. Even after responding, Cambodia kept communication channels open and maintained a defensive posture. Its invocation of self-defence is narrow, time-bound, and consistent with the necessity requirement under Article 51. This contrasts with Thailand’s Article 51 notification, whose timeline, escalation pattern, and scope of operations raise questions that warrant independent clarification.
Thailand’s public communications during this period have also been inconsistent. Statements from provincial offices, military units, and government spokespeople have varied sharply, including sudden warnings about large-scale drone attacks and contradictory accounts of battlefield conditions. In active conflict, fragmented messaging increases the risk of miscalculation and complicates efforts to stabilise the situation. The lack of a coherent explanation from Thai authorities stands in contrast to the clear sequence documented in Cambodia’s report.
Beyond the immediate border, the implications for regional stability are significant. When a peace accord is suspended unilaterally, it weakens confidence in negotiated settlements across Southeast Asia. ASEAN states depend on predictable mechanisms to manage their own borders; the erosion of one agreement casts uncertainty on others. The use of advanced weaponry near shared trade corridors introduces economic risks at a moment when regional recovery requires stability. These concerns are not theoretical; they shape how neighbouring states evaluate the urgency of restoring procedural order.
Cambodia’s request for an independent UN fact-finding mission should therefore be understood as a stabilising measure rather than a punitive one. A neutral mission reduces the risk of misunderstanding, documents humanitarian effects, and provides a basis for de-escalation grounded in verified facts. Cambodia’s willingness to welcome such scrutiny reflects confidence in its own conduct and a commitment to transparency. If Thailand declines such a mechanism, the contrast will be visible without Cambodia needing to comment further.
The broader issue now facing the international community is not simply the origin of the latest exchange of fire. It is whether peace agreements can be disregarded without consequence, whether civilian populations near borders can be exposed to advanced weaponry without warning, and whether the institutions designed to prevent conflict remain credible when tested. Cambodia’s appeal does not seek new structures or new privileges; it seeks the restoration of commitments already made and the reinforcement of mechanisms already agreed upon.
By placing the matter before the Security Council, Cambodia has returned the dispute to the channels built to resolve it. What follows will depend on the willingness of regional actors and international partners to reaffirm the principles that protect civilians, preserve cultural heritage, and sustain peace. Cambodia has acted within the law and within the framework the region relies upon. The next steps lie with the institutions entrusted with maintaining stability and with the governments whose commitments give those institutions meaning.
Midnight
