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The most important development in this border crisis is not a single clash.
It is the decision by the Thai government to suspend negotiations altogether.
When a conflict still has a functioning dialogue channel, there is always space for de-escalation.
When that channel is closed, the situation changes.
It signals to the international community that force is being prioritised over diplomacy, even though both countries signed the Kuala Lumpur Peace Accords only weeks ago.
Across the region, the message from ASEAN partners, the United States and China is consistent: return to talks and prevent escalation.
When multiple powers align this clearly, any government that refuses engagement finds itself under greater scrutiny.
Inside Thailand, this concern is being raised openly by Thai politicians themselves. Senior opposition figures have warned that the current approach risks making Thailand appear not as a state acting in self-defence, but as a state drifting into coercive strategy. Even Thai military leaders have noted that no border dispute here has ever been resolved without negotiation.
Meanwhile, the humanitarian impact is already visible. Families on both sides have been displaced, border communities are unsettled, and the risk of miscalculation grows every day that communication remains suspended.
Along a frontier where people have lived side by side for generations, stability does not come from pushing harder. It comes from restoring the channels that prevent one clash from leading to the next.
Dialogue is not a concession.
It is the foundation of peace, the guarantee of safety for civilians, and the only path toward a stable resolution that the region is urging both sides to uphold.
Midnight

 

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Reuters is unusually direct.
The renewed fighting is now described as a test of Trump’s tariff diplomacy. His tariff pressure helped pause the war in July, but with clashes returning, Bangkok is signalling that trade leverage will not be allowed to dictate the pace of peace.
Analysts note that this moment exposes the limits of his approach and reflects how strongly Thai domestic politics are shaping Anutin’s posture. Snap elections, criticism over flood response and growing nationalist pressure are pulling the government toward a tougher line, not a conciliatory one.
For Thailand’s image inside that story, escalation plus refusal of mediation makes Bangkok look like the party willing to shrug off a US-backed peace framework, even at the risk of tariffs or reputational cost. Articles stress that Thailand suspended the accord first (over landmine accusations) and is now betting Washington will “live with” a limited war.
For Cambodia, the way many wires are written quietly helps Cambodia's side: they keep repeating that the current fighting undermines a ceasefire and peace accord witnessed by Trump and ASEAN. That implicitly shifts the question away from “who fired first this week” toward “who broke an internationally-backed agreement.”
So right now, the Trump narrative is:
> a US president loudly invested in a peace deal;
>> Thai escalation and domestic politics are testing it in full view; international media are starting to treat this as an example of the limits of his “tariff + phone call” peace model rather than a clean success.
Midnight
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When you look inside Thailand right now, the picture is far more turbulent than what the border conflict alone suggests. The fighting with Cambodia did not begin in a vacuum. It erupted at the exact moment when the Thai government was already struggling with multiple internal crises that were pulling public confidence down day by day. Before a single artillery round was fired near the frontier, Anutin’s government had already been shaken by deadly floods in the south, with serious criticism over response delays and competence. His approval rating dropped sharply, and political analysts inside Thailand began openly predicting an early dissolution of parliament to stabilize his chances ahead of a 2026 election. The country was already in a fragile mood, tired and frustrated.
At the same time, Thailand’s broader political landscape has not settled since the last transition. Analysts expect elections early next year, and the current coalition looks more temporary than durable. For a prime minister backed by conservative and military-aligned networks, and lagging behind progressive contenders, a security crisis offers something that domestic governance has not: a stage to speak the language of sovereignty and strength. That does not mean the conflict is artificial, but it does mean that the timing intersects with a moment of weakness inside Bangkok.
Behind the civilian face of the government, the army is running its own show. Military briefings describe heavy Cambodian attacks, drone sightings, rocket strikes, and intense shelling. Thai media echo these claims, but the messaging is doing two things at once: pushing a strong front outward and reassuring internal audiences that the military remains capable, decisive, and necessary. Some senior officers have even spoken about degrading Cambodia’s military capacity in the long term. That is not defensive vocabulary. It reflects a mindset inside parts of the Thai security establishment that sees this conflict as an opportunity to reshape the strategic balance, not simply to contain a border incident.
On the ground, the lived reality inside Thailand looks very different from the tone of military confidence. Villagers in Buriram and Surin talk of fleeing repeatedly, sleeping in shelters, and listening to explosions through the night. Tens of thousands have been evacuated. Families fear looting and uncertainty more than geopolitics. Casualty numbers are rising. For border communities already hit by the July clashes, this is a second wave of fear in less than six months. The gap between official declarations and lived experience is widening, and that gap always produces anxiety.
Thailand’s opinion space reflects this tension. Some voices are highly nationalistic, repeating army lines without question. Others are sarcastic, tired, or quietly afraid of being dragged into a deeper conflict while the economy remains stagnant, debt rises, and living costs increase. Thai online forums show a mixture of bravado and unease. Many people do not want a war while the country is dealing with floods, weak growth, and political uncertainty. The uniform front seen on official media dissolves quickly once you enter everyday conversation.
Inside elite circles, the Commentators and political observers describe this moment as a national stress test. In their view, Thailand is dealing with converging pressures: economic stagnation, inconsistent governance, natural disasters, institutional mistrust, and now a border conflict that requires coordination between civilian leadership and the military. When outside analysts describe Thailand as relying on heavy artillery, jets, and large troop movements in clashes that repeatedly displace civilians, they are also noting how dependent Thailand has become on outside mediation to pull back from escalation. This dependence is not the image Thailand prefers to project, but it is increasingly visible to external observers.
Beneath the headlines, economic fear is spreading. Thailand’s export-driven industries rely heavily on stability. Factories depend on Cambodian migrant labor, and the border conflict disrupts trade routes and seasonal work cycles. Business owners see this as another risk added on top of global uncertainty and domestic political drift. Workers feel the impact through rising expenses and unstable incomes. None of this appears in nationalist messaging, but it shapes the country’s economic mood at a deep level.
There is also an institutional dimension that is rarely spoken aloud. Every move in this conflict is being watched internally by the army, the government, the bureaucracy, business elites, and the palace network. Each of these actors interprets the conflict partly through its own interests and anxieties. The government wants to show authority after weeks of criticism. The army wants to prove relevance. Civil society wants to question but fears appearing unpatriotic. The media wants clarity but navigates unspoken limits. This creates a landscape where the conflict with Cambodia becomes a symbolic arena for internal contest, not just a matter of national defence.
So the Thailand you are seeing today is not a single actor moving confidently. It is a country where a weakened prime minister under electoral pressure, an assertive but anxious military, a tired and divided public, a business sector fearing instability, and a cautious intellectual class are all trying to navigate the same storm. The border war sits on top of floods, economic stagnation, and political uncertainty. That is why international analysts, including Germany, increasingly interpret this conflict as a symptom of deeper instability inside Thailand, not only a clash between two neighbours.
Midnight

 

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Germany’s report reveals more than it says. Tagesschau is not casual media, and it does not choose topics for regional curiosity. When Germany enters a conflict narrative, it means the situation has crossed from a bilateral clash into something Europe now reads as systemic instability. The message is quiet but unmistakable. Europe sees something unfolding inside Thailand that concerns them more than the immediate border fighting.
The strongest signal is this: Germany is not really examining Cambodia at all. Their focus lands almost entirely on Thailand’s internal direction. By framing the conflict as politically driven rather than territorial, the report points to a deeper anxiety. The real danger, in Europe’s eyes, lies inside Thailand’s domestic fragility. A transitional prime minister, approval ratings falling after the southern floods, a military still holding narrative power, and early elections looming all create an environment where external conflict becomes a political tool rather than a last resort. Germany is reading these signals clearly. They see a government under strain, not a state responding to unavoidable threats.
Another quiet message sits in the omissions. Germany highlights the U.S. role in the ceasefire but completely leaves China out of the frame. In European reporting this is never an accident. When a major conflict occurs in a region where China is deeply invested, silence is a form of classification. It means Berlin expects Beijing to stay on the sidelines, not to intervene, not to mediate, and not to challenge the KL Accord as the diplomatic reference point. Europe is effectively telling its viewers that this conflict sits inside a Western-led diplomatic structure, not an arena for China to enter. It also suggests Europe believes Beijing sees no strategic gain in taking a strong position. That omission says as much about China as it does about the conflict.
Germany is also signalling that ASEAN has lost control of the situation. They do not highlight any ASEAN mechanisms, statements, or attempts at mediation. Instead, they place the ceasefire architecture entirely on the KL Accord and U.S. involvement. This quietly downgrades ASEAN’s credibility and shifts the conflict into an international domain where humanitarian law and diplomatic commitments outweigh regional political sensitivities. For Cambodia, this shift matters. Within ASEAN, power and hierarchy often blur conflict interpretation. In international frameworks, humanitarian impact, proportionality, and documented commitments become the decisive anchors.
The largest structural shift in the German report is the humanitarian reframing. Once Western media place displacement, shelters, fear, and civilian movement at the center of the story, the conflict stops being understood through the logic of military exchange. It becomes a moral event. The number of evacuees, the scale of human disruption, and the fear of uncontrolled escalation become the primary indicators for the Western audience. At that moment, proportionality becomes the silent standard. And proportionality always places heavier scrutiny on the actor with the larger military budget, the air force, the artillery, and the initiative. Cambodia does not need to argue innocence under this model. The structure of the situation already casts it as the side absorbing the consequences, not amplifying them.
But there are deeper layers still. Germany is not only diagnosing Thai instability, excluding China, downgrading ASEAN, and reframing the conflict as humanitarian. They are also testing whether Thailand’s trajectory is moving toward a more dangerous internal configuration. When escalation pairs with domestic vulnerability, Western analysts begin looking for patterns seen in other regions where governments use external pressure to compensate for internal weakness. That is the fear Germany is hinting at: a Thailand where state institutions, political insecurity, military assertiveness, and public fatigue converge in a way that turns a border conflict into something larger than its geography.
This is why the German narrative does not return to battlefield claims or arguments about who fired first. Once Western reporting crosses into the humanitarian logic, once domestic political incentive is introduced, once ASEAN is set aside, and once China is deliberately left out, the frame becomes very difficult to undo. Western perception rarely moves backward after such a shift. It becomes the baseline through which all future developments are judged.
In the end, Germany’s report is not just an update. It is an early map of how Europe and, by extension, much of the Western system will interpret this conflict. The story that is forming is not about Cambodian aggression or even territorial dispute. It is a story about a fragile moment inside Thailand, a conflict escalating under political pressure, a humanitarian cost that is rising too quickly, and a region whose institutions cannot contain the crisis. Cambodia enters this narrative not through argument but through structural position: the smaller army, the absence of an air force, the documented commitment to the ceasefire, and the disproportionate civilian burden all create a natural alignment with the humanitarian frame Germany has chosen.
This is how perception shifts at the international level. Quietly at first, then decisively. And once it shifts, it rarely returns to the old frame.
Midnight

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The big drop in GULF’s value is an institutional signal
Sarath Ratanavadi is not just a billionaire.
He represents Thailand’s energy, infrastructure, and political economy.
His company GULF is tied to:
• power generation
• telecom infrastructure
• ports
• public–private partnerships
• state-linked mega projects
A 20.95% drop in his wealth means:
• GULF stock is sliding, which implies
• confidence in long-term Thai infrastructure expansion is softening
• foreign investors are cautious
• domestic investors are pulling back
• major capital holders feel tremors beneath the system
This is not about one man. It is a structural indicator that Thailand’s growth engines are slowing.
The article softens the blow in very deliberate ways. The Nation highlights that Sarath still holds the number one position, which creates an impression of stability even though the underlying numbers show a significant decline. By focusing on rank rather than trajectory, the narrative shifts from “loss” to “continuity,” which is more reassuring to the general reader.
The article also relies heavily on percentage drops without tying them to the wider political and economic environment. It avoids mentioning Thailand’s internal political tensions, the country’s international reputation risks, investor unease over the border escalation, slowing energy consumption, or the volatility of the baht. By isolating the financial information from its broader context, the story becomes less alarming and more digestible.
Losses are further presented as routine market movement, normal fluctuations rather than signals of deeper strain. This framing obscures the more uncomfortable truth that even the wealthiest and most influential figures are losing confidence in Thai assets. When the richest people in a country lose billions at the same time, it is rarely just a market dip. It is an early warning light for anyone paying attention.
Midnight

 

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Statement Condemning the Thai Military for Continuing to Destroy Ta Krabey Temple After suffering heavy destruction from Thai military attacks on 9 December 2025, Ta Krabey Temple, a sacred site of Cambodia, has once again come under renewed shelling on 10 December 2025, resulting in the complete devastation of its appearance and architectural structure, although the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts has already made its appeal.

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Thailand’s actions constitute a grave violation of international humanitarian law and fundamental human rights. The alleged incursions into Cambodian territory have targeted civilian areas, resulting in casualties, and the destruction of homes, ancient temples, and schools.
These barbaric and inhumane acts have spread across nearly all border points, magnifying the suffering of innocent Cambodians and forcing many to flee their communities in search of safety.
The Cambodian people strongly condemn this brutal aggression. We call upon the international community to denounce Thailand’s actions and to actively support diplomatic dialogue and negotiations aimed at restoring stability. This urgent effort should be aligned with the existing ceasefire agreement and the Joint Declaration for Peace, presided over by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Malaysia.At this time, we are truly in pain, but we must also be stronger as a society, give trust and give a united voice to the leaders and heroes of our army fighting the enemy on the front lines.

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 What happened this morning is not only a border clash. It is the moment the international system quietly recalibrated how it sees both Cambodia and Thailand, and that recalibration goes far deeper than the headlines alone suggest. When AP, CNN, Al Jazeera, Nikkei, CGTN, and CNA all locked onto the same structure that Thailand launched airstrikes, that the border remains disputed, and that both sides accuse each other, they did more than report the incident. They created the first paragraph that every future article, briefing, and diplomatic cable will echo. Once global media converge on a framing, it becomes the historical baseline. Thailand cannot escape it now.

Cambodia may celebrate the surface coverage, but the deeper shift is this: the world has placed Cambodia in the role of the responsible actor. That did not happen through loud statements or emotional language. It happened because Cambodia behaved in a steady, predictable, legally coherent way at a moment when the other side behaved impulsively. Cambodia did not retaliate. Cambodia did not escalate. Cambodia kept its tone procedural and its communication calm. In conflicts like these, behaviour creates legitimacy, and today the world responded to behaviour, not claims. Smaller states almost never receive this kind of credibility advantage; Cambodia earned it.

At the same time, Thailand’s long prepared narrative collapsed in real time. For weeks, Thai officials pushed a storyline at Geneva presenting themselves as the humanitarian victim of landmines and Cambodia as the irresponsible actor. That position cannot survive the global headlines now documenting Thai airstrikes launched during a ceasefire environment. A state trying to claim moral high ground in humanitarian law cannot, within days, be framed worldwide as the side that escalated with jets and bombs. The contradiction is too sharp, and the international system does not forget these inconsistencies. Cambodia has not fully realised how much long term diplomatic leverage this gives: in any future talks, Cambodia now walks in as the state that maintained restraint, while Thailand must answer for why it did not.

The clearest signal of Thailand’s internal instability is not in the media but in their reaction. Thai military linked pages are openly complaining that global outlets side with Cambodia. A confident state never accuses the world of bias. Only a state shocked by its own narrative failure does. It reveals internal pressure, confusion inside the communication chain, and disbelief that foreign media refused to adopt their story. This fracture inside Thailand’s information ecosystem is far more important than the clash itself. A country that cannot control its narrative cannot control its escalation. Cambodia does not need to exploit this; Cambodia only needs to remain consistent.

What few observers in Cambodia see yet is how this shifts ASEAN and broader regional perception. In a region already unsettled by political transitions, humanitarian scrutiny, and fragile ceasefires, ASEAN rewards the actor that remains calm. Today, that actor was Cambodia. Thailand’s use of airpower during a disputed border incident will make regional governments uneasy, because it exposes unpredictability, not strength. Quietly, this moves Cambodia into the role of the stabilising neighbour, the role that earns trust, sympathy, and diplomatic space in Southeast Asia. Cambodia gains influence not by confrontation, but by being the country that does not panic.

This also boxes Thailand in. Once a state is globally framed as the escalator, it loses the ability to escalate again without immediate international backlash. Any new clash, any new accusation, any new diplomatic meeting will now be interpreted in the shadow of today’s airstrikes. Thailand knows this, which is why they are preparing a correction narrative: new evidence, new maps, new explanations. But none of that will erase the fact that the world already recorded the sequence. Cambodia should not react to whatever Thailand releases next; the framing is already set.

Cambodia’s long term advantage now lies in maintaining consistency. The world is watching behaviour: who stabilises, who escalates, who communicates clearly, who keeps their story straight. Cambodia’s strength today came from doing less, not more, from refusing to enter the emotional theatre that Thailand’s communication tried to build around the incident. This is why coverage across continents, from Washington to Beijing, London to Singapore, treated Cambodia not as the aggressor but as the controlled actor in a dangerous situation.

This morning’s clash is not the end, but it is the pivot. Cambodia now stands in a position that smaller states rarely achieve in border tensions: the state that the world perceives as the responsible neighbour, the stabiliser, the adult in the room. Thailand’s escalation created this contrast. Cambodia’s restraint made it visible. And global media have now documented that contrast in a way that will echo through every future report, negotiation, and diplomatic evaluation.

Cambodia does not need to shout this. Cambodia only needs to continue being consistent. In moments like this, clarity becomes power, and restraint becomes strategy. And today, without raising its voice, Cambodia gained something far heavier than a headline: it gained the world’s trust in its conduct.


Midnight

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Read More Chapter 5: The Search for a Wife for King Mahosat Princess Udumpur saw that King Mahosat was a 16-year-old boy with a beautiful appearance and was very wealthy. She asked the king for permission to let King Mahosat find a woman to marry. King Mahosat agreed to follow his sister, but told her to go for 2-3 days, and ordered her not to tell the king about her search for a wife. They left her and went alone to the country of Uttarayavamangraham. In the country of Uttarayavamangraham, there was an old rich man who had lost his wealth and was a poor man. He had a daughter named Amara Devi, who was wise and beautiful, a woman of great virtue, and no one wanted to marry her. One morning, she brought food to her father in the fields. King Mahosat, seeing her, thought that she was a beautiful woman. Meanwhile, Amara Pichpil looked at Chao Mhostha Kouch and thought to herself that this man was a gentleman and would be a good husband and a servant, and would not be disturbed. 2-Mrs. Amara! It's not a name that I imagined, but "Amara" is the name of the wife of the king of kings.... She was a woman with the greatest wisdom of all women. Even the four kings of Amata could not resist her wisdom. Remember that in the history of the story, Amara's wisdom is mentioned in many places, but I only remember a few: 1. [.......] When walking with the Bodhisattva, she entered a forest with a shady area. Amara took an umbrella to cover herself. When the Bodhisattva asked, she replied that it was reasonable to cover herself with an umbrella in the forest because when we were in the open, we didn't have to worry about covering ourselves with an umbrella because there were no large or small branches that would fall on us. However, in the forest, we had to cover ourselves with an umbrella because there were small or large branches that were rotten and animals could fall on us. Therefore, an umbrella is a necessary thing to cover ourselves when walking in the forest. 2. [.......] On another point, when walking on land, Amāra did not wear sandals, but instead wore them when going into the water. When the Bodhisattva asked, she explained that when she did not wear sandals on land, it was because on land we can see thorns or sharp objects with our eyes, but in the water we cannot see them. Even snail shells, pebbles, or sharp animals that can sting or bite can not be seen. So think about it, wearing sandals on land or wearing sandals in the water, which is more reasonable? 3. [.......] The Bodhisattva tried to test her wisdom with the lotus fruit by pretending to want to eat it, and then she went up to the lotus [.......] When he wanted to eat the lotus fruit hot, she threw it on the sand, but when he wanted to eat the lotus fruit cold, she threw it on the grass. This cold and hot story is understandable enough, no need to explain it .... In conclusion, "Amara" is the name of a smart woman, like the Bodhisattva's wife, etc. When we remember this kind of intelligence, the little girl in this photo was named "Amara", the smart woman. I hope that the little girl will be healthy, intelligent, and not arrogant, but a child who obeys her parents, grandparents, uncles, aunts, brothers and sisters in the family, especially in the future, she will be a highly educated person and a pillar of the family. Why do Khmer people always bless "May you have a good figure like Visakha?" "May you have the wisdom of Amara, the wisdom of Mahosa, the peace of mind of Vesantara, the beauty of Visakha, and the strength of Moggallana..." This is a Khmer blessing that is often said to someone when entering a Buddhist festival or other religious ceremony.
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2. Investigate the truth
In the difficult situation of her husband, Amara thought hard and diligently to serve him, including food and comfortable accommodation. Amara gave her husband strength and advice by carefully considering the problems, so that her husband's loyalty, honesty, and integrity would be maintained without any hesitation or hesitation in his duties. Amara always supported her husband, making him more affectionate and nurturing, not showing any weakness that would make it clear that the work of saving King Vitehara was at a standstill.
At dawn the next day, after eating a sumptuous meal prepared by Amra and beautifully adorned, the king gave a signal to the sage Seksombandit to come to him to investigate the true state of the Chola palace, to find out the whereabouts of the Chola family, and to find out the true plan of the Chola king to give his daughter to King Vitehara.
The king gave various methods to the sly Sarika who guarded the doors of the palace of the Chola king and Queen Mahesinanda Devi. Sarika herself was also a clever and loyal animal to her master, not easily answered by anyone, and did not easily learn the secrets of the king of the kingdom. Anyone who wanted to harm the Chola king could not escape Sarika's eyes even for a moment. Now, Seksombandit is a spy from Mithila. Can he spy on the Chola king and tell the king?
3. Seksombandit's love test for Sarika
When he arrived at the Chola king's palace, where Sarika was staying, Seksom sang a beautiful song that attracted Sarika. Seksom flew around showing off Sarika's body, making Sarika unable to control herself and called Seksom to ask about her journey to the center of the earth. Seksom praised Sarika's beauty, saying that she had soft wings and a beak that was as beautiful as a woman with a beautiful face. Sarika continued to question Seksom about her past. Seksom lied and said that he came from the noble city of Srei Preah Mahanakor, a servant of King Siriraj. He was generous in solving the problems of animals with a pure heart.
So he had the opportunity to follow the beautiful Sarika now. Sarika did not stop asking about the history of the wife and children of Sek Sombandit.
Sek Sombandit continued that his wife was quickly snatched as food when his master went to the park. The separation from his wife made him sad, unable to sleep, unable to eat, and his eyes were filled with tears. Seeing this sadness, his master advised the presence of Sarika of the Panchal kingdom in the temple of King Cholni that if Sarika was willing to befriend Preah Seriraj, he would present the traditional blessing of the marriage to him. Sarika said, "How can we live together in peace and harmony if we are of different lineages? If we dare to violate it, we will surely be criticized." Sekso replied with an analogy from the story of King Pasu, the king of the gods who took Jamgavathi without fear of being criticized, and Vachamaharushi who took Kannari Ratanavathi willingly gave up his priesthood and became a householder, living together happily until death, without anyone saying anything. The important thing is to be honest and friendly with each other.
Sarika listened to Sekso's charm and softened her heart without saying anything. Taking this opportunity, Sekso asked about the intention of the Cholani king to give his daughter to King Vitehara and the location of the royal family in Panchala, where the Brahmin Kevadda lived. Sarika told him about the evil intention of the Cholani king to use the royal daughter to lure King Vitehara and the king of Mahosa to kill him. And the king told him without hesitation about the whereabouts of those whom the scholar wanted to know. The scholar was delighted to praise the beauty of the queen, who pleased the heart of Sarika, who was worthy of being the queen of King Vitehara. She had a figure as bright as the stars in the sky, her face was radiant with a beautiful smile, her black hair spread out like the wings of a peacock, with one end raised like the tip of a crow's beak, her hair was curved like the tips of a crow's beak, and her eyes were black. If she were to be born like a child of a monkey, she would have teeth that were very close, her clothes were all ready, she would have a beautiful face, she would have a round face, The king's body was like a golden lotus, with a round waist and a smooth, round body, with a golden body, with a round, As if I could escape from suffering, if I did not see you, you would not be alive. I would not see your face in the world as usual anymore.
When they arrived in the kingdom of Mithila, the sage Somabandit flew to the shoulder of the monk Mahosa, who was sitting alone in the deserted temple. The sage told all the secrets that Sarika had written down and told the monk Mahosa without any hesitation. The monk Mahosa thought about Sarika's merits, saying that the work that had been done to achieve good results and the world was peaceful was due to the valuable contribution of the true information that Sarika had given through the sage Somabandit.
4. The strategy of the monk Mahosa to save the king of Vitehara and the great path of the world
At that time, the monk Mahosa thought that if he could not save his master now, others would criticize him as a wise man. After considering, the Lord Buddha prepared important strategies to solve the problem.Having prepared his face carefully, the king went to fetch the perfume from the beautiful incense burner that Amara had prepared for her husband. Having dressed, the king went to the palace of King Viteharacha and told him that he would go to Panchal Borei first to arrange the royal residence to be worthy of the status of a noble king and to negotiate with King Chola to provide hospitality and arrange a solemn, lavish and extremely honorable coronation ceremony in the Panchal Palace. King Vitheharaja paid the same attention to Mahasatha as before, including the perfect arrangement of the wedding ceremony between him and the Chola princess. He was very happy and all the resentment he had towards Mahasatha disappeared. He gave Mahasatha great authority to order the officials and the army to use the royal property as needed to arrange the wedding ceremony in the future. At the same time, he gave Mahasatha royal authority to be the great ambassador to negotiate and resolve the matter with the Chola king in the most complete way. Mahasatha was very excited and promised to King Rataharaja that he would solve all the problems for the king without any bad consequences.

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Clarification of the spokesperson of the delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia to the 151st Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) Assembly has observed with considerable dismay that, on 23 October 2025, the Nation media has been shamelessly spreading false information and distorting the truth.

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 The statement of the outcome of the GBC meeting in Malaysia is to withdraw heavy weapons, clear anti-personnel mines, crack down on online gambling, and define the role of the ASEAN Observer Team (AOT) in order to restore the situation to its original state in Cambodian-Thai relations.Joint Press Statement
2nd Special General Border Committee (GBC) Meeting Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
23 October 2025
The 2nd Special Thailand-Cambodia General Border Committee (GBC) Meeting was held on 23 October 2025 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. It was co-chaired by H.E. General Nattaphon Narkphanit, Minister of Defence of the Kingdom of Thailand, and H.E. General Tea Seiha, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence of the Kingdom of Cambodia. The Meeting was observed by the representatives from Malaysia, the United States, and members of the Interim Observer Teams in Cambodia and Thailand.
The Meeting was convened as a follow-up to the 1st Special GBC Meeting, held on 10 September 2025 in Koh Kong Province, Kingdom of Cambodia, to finalize concrete action plans for the full and effective implementation of its outcomes.
Both sides expressed sincere appreciation to the Government and the Ministry of Defence of Malaysia for hosting the Special Meeting, including the preparatory meeting of its secretariats, from 20 to 22 October 2025.
Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to the peaceful resolution of differences and to strengthening good-neighbourly relations in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the ASEAN Charter on the peaceful settlement of disputes, paving the way for a new chapter of peace and cooperation between the two nations.
In this spirit, both sides agreed as follows:
A. The Meeting agreed on and endorsed the Action Plan for Removal of Heavy and Destructive Weapons.
B. Both sides welcomed the agreed Terms of Reference (TOR) for the Establishment of the ASEAN Observer Team (AOT)
C. Both sides welcomed the agreed Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) for the Joint Coordinating Task Force (JCTF) on Humanitarian Demining.
D. Both sides agreed to meet up within one week after this GBC Meeting to identify a pilot border area for humanitarian demining within the priority border areas to be agreed upon by both sides.
E. Both sides agreed on the Action Plan for Cooperation on the Prevention and Suppression of Transnational Crimes, including Cyber Scams and Human Trafficking, between the Cambodian National Police and the Royal Thai Police. The Action Plan aims to strengthen cooperation in intelligence sharing, operational support for investigations and the apprehension of suspects, crime prevention, and measures concerning suspects, victims, and evidence. In accordance with the action plan, the Joint Task Force on the Implementation of the Action Plan will be established within two weeks.
F. Both sides agreed that the next Special GBC Meeting will be convened within 90 days or as necessary after this meeting, with Cambodia as the hosting state.
Ednu

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