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2. Investigate the truth
In the difficult situation of her husband, Amara thought hard and diligently to serve him, including food and comfortable accommodation. Amara gave her husband strength and advice by carefully considering the problems, so that her husband's loyalty, honesty, and integrity would be maintained without any hesitation or hesitation in his duties. Amara always supported her husband, making him more affectionate and nurturing, not showing any weakness that would make it clear that the work of saving King Vitehara was at a standstill.
At dawn the next day, after eating a sumptuous meal prepared by Amra and beautifully adorned, the king gave a signal to the sage Seksombandit to come to him to investigate the true state of the Chola palace, to find out the whereabouts of the Chola family, and to find out the true plan of the Chola king to give his daughter to King Vitehara.
The king gave various methods to the sly Sarika who guarded the doors of the palace of the Chola king and Queen Mahesinanda Devi. Sarika herself was also a clever and loyal animal to her master, not easily answered by anyone, and did not easily learn the secrets of the king of the kingdom. Anyone who wanted to harm the Chola king could not escape Sarika's eyes even for a moment. Now, Seksombandit is a spy from Mithila. Can he spy on the Chola king and tell the king?
3. Seksombandit's love test for Sarika
When he arrived at the Chola king's palace, where Sarika was staying, Seksom sang a beautiful song that attracted Sarika. Seksom flew around showing off Sarika's body, making Sarika unable to control herself and called Seksom to ask about her journey to the center of the earth. Seksom praised Sarika's beauty, saying that she had soft wings and a beak that was as beautiful as a woman with a beautiful face. Sarika continued to question Seksom about her past. Seksom lied and said that he came from the noble city of Srei Preah Mahanakor, a servant of King Siriraj. He was generous in solving the problems of animals with a pure heart.
So he had the opportunity to follow the beautiful Sarika now. Sarika did not stop asking about the history of the wife and children of Sek Sombandit.
Sek Sombandit continued that his wife was quickly snatched as food when his master went to the park. The separation from his wife made him sad, unable to sleep, unable to eat, and his eyes were filled with tears. Seeing this sadness, his master advised the presence of Sarika of the Panchal kingdom in the temple of King Cholni that if Sarika was willing to befriend Preah Seriraj, he would present the traditional blessing of the marriage to him. Sarika said, "How can we live together in peace and harmony if we are of different lineages? If we dare to violate it, we will surely be criticized." Sekso replied with an analogy from the story of King Pasu, the king of the gods who took Jamgavathi without fear of being criticized, and Vachamaharushi who took Kannari Ratanavathi willingly gave up his priesthood and became a householder, living together happily until death, without anyone saying anything. The important thing is to be honest and friendly with each other.
Sarika listened to Sekso's charm and softened her heart without saying anything. Taking this opportunity, Sekso asked about the intention of the Cholani king to give his daughter to King Vitehara and the location of the royal family in Panchala, where the Brahmin Kevadda lived. Sarika told him about the evil intention of the Cholani king to use the royal daughter to lure King Vitehara and the king of Mahosa to kill him. And the king told him without hesitation about the whereabouts of those whom the scholar wanted to know. The scholar was delighted to praise the beauty of the queen, who pleased the heart of Sarika, who was worthy of being the queen of King Vitehara. She had a figure as bright as the stars in the sky, her face was radiant with a beautiful smile, her black hair spread out like the wings of a peacock, with one end raised like the tip of a crow's beak, her hair was curved like the tips of a crow's beak, and her eyes were black. If she were to be born like a child of a monkey, she would have teeth that were very close, her clothes were all ready, she would have a beautiful face, she would have a round face, The king's body was like a golden lotus, with a round waist and a smooth, round body, with a golden body, with a round, As if I could escape from suffering, if I did not see you, you would not be alive. I would not see your face in the world as usual anymore.
When they arrived in the kingdom of Mithila, the sage Somabandit flew to the shoulder of the monk Mahosa, who was sitting alone in the deserted temple. The sage told all the secrets that Sarika had written down and told the monk Mahosa without any hesitation. The monk Mahosa thought about Sarika's merits, saying that the work that had been done to achieve good results and the world was peaceful was due to the valuable contribution of the true information that Sarika had given through the sage Somabandit.
4. The strategy of the monk Mahosa to save the king of Vitehara and the great path of the world
At that time, the monk Mahosa thought that if he could not save his master now, others would criticize him as a wise man. After considering, the Lord Buddha prepared important strategies to solve the problem.Having prepared his face carefully, the king went to fetch the perfume from the beautiful incense burner that Amara had prepared for her husband. Having dressed, the king went to the palace of King Viteharacha and told him that he would go to Panchal Borei first to arrange the royal residence to be worthy of the status of a noble king and to negotiate with King Chola to provide hospitality and arrange a solemn, lavish and extremely honorable coronation ceremony in the Panchal Palace. King Vitheharaja paid the same attention to Mahasatha as before, including the perfect arrangement of the wedding ceremony between him and the Chola princess. He was very happy and all the resentment he had towards Mahasatha disappeared. He gave Mahasatha great authority to order the officials and the army to use the royal property as needed to arrange the wedding ceremony in the future. At the same time, he gave Mahasatha royal authority to be the great ambassador to negotiate and resolve the matter with the Chola king in the most complete way. Mahasatha was very excited and promised to King Rataharaja that he would solve all the problems for the king without any bad consequences.
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Clarification
of the spokesperson of the delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia to the
151st Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) Assembly has observed with
considerable dismay that, on 23 October 2025, the Nation media has been
shamelessly spreading false information and distorting the truth.
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The statement of the outcome of the GBC meeting in Malaysia is to withdraw heavy weapons, clear anti-personnel mines, crack down on online gambling, and define the role of the ASEAN Observer Team (AOT) in order to restore the situation to its original state in Cambodian-Thai relations.Joint Press Statement
2nd Special General Border Committee (GBC) Meeting Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
23 October 2025
The 2nd Special Thailand-Cambodia General Border Committee (GBC) Meeting was held on 23 October 2025 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. It was co-chaired by H.E. General Nattaphon Narkphanit, Minister of Defence of the Kingdom of Thailand, and H.E. General Tea Seiha, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence of the Kingdom of Cambodia. The Meeting was observed by the representatives from Malaysia, the United States, and members of the Interim Observer Teams in Cambodia and Thailand.
The Meeting was convened as a follow-up to the 1st Special GBC Meeting, held on 10 September 2025 in Koh Kong Province, Kingdom of Cambodia, to finalize concrete action plans for the full and effective implementation of its outcomes.
Both sides expressed sincere appreciation to the Government and the Ministry of Defence of Malaysia for hosting the Special Meeting, including the preparatory meeting of its secretariats, from 20 to 22 October 2025.
Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to the peaceful resolution of differences and to strengthening good-neighbourly relations in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the ASEAN Charter on the peaceful settlement of disputes, paving the way for a new chapter of peace and cooperation between the two nations.
In this spirit, both sides agreed as follows:
A. The Meeting agreed on and endorsed the Action Plan for Removal of Heavy and Destructive Weapons.
B. Both sides welcomed the agreed Terms of Reference (TOR) for the Establishment of the ASEAN Observer Team (AOT)
C. Both sides welcomed the agreed Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) for the Joint Coordinating Task Force (JCTF) on Humanitarian Demining.
D. Both sides agreed to meet up within one week after this GBC Meeting to identify a pilot border area for humanitarian demining within the priority border areas to be agreed upon by both sides.
E. Both sides agreed on the Action Plan for Cooperation on the Prevention and Suppression of Transnational Crimes, including Cyber Scams and Human Trafficking, between the Cambodian National Police and the Royal Thai Police. The Action Plan aims to strengthen cooperation in intelligence sharing, operational support for investigations and the apprehension of suspects, crime prevention, and measures concerning suspects, victims, and evidence. In accordance with the action plan, the Joint Task Force on the Implementation of the Action Plan will be established within two weeks.
F. Both sides agreed that the next Special GBC Meeting will be convened within 90 days or as necessary after this meeting, with Cambodia as the hosting state.
Ednu
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Razor-Wire at the Border: Thailand’s Design, Cambodia’s Protest
Approximately 9.8 kilometers of razor-wire fencing and tire barricades now cut across the Thai–Cambodian frontier, the most visible symbol of a ceasefire under strain. Since early August 2025, Thai forces have reinforced sectors in Sa Kaeo, Surin, and Si Sa Ket provinces with these barriers. Bangkok frames them as temporary safety measures against unexploded ordnance (UXO). Phnom Penh calls them a violation of the August 7 Extraordinary General Border Committee (GBC) ceasefire agreement. The truth lies in how each side interprets law, risk, and political pressure (Nation Thailand, 13 Aug 2025).
What Bangkok Says
Thai commanders point to the battlefield legacy of July’s clashes. In Surin province, Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) teams documented a sharp rise in UXO hazards, with 824 impact sites identified along the border (PRD Thailand, 13 Aug 2025). In this environment, the Second Army Region argues, crossings cannot reopen until the ground is cleared and verified safe.
The Internal Security Act (2008) empowers the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) to restrict movement in declared security zones. On August 13, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs emphasized that the barriers are “temporary reinforcement measures” that “do not prejudice demarcation talks” (MFA Thailand, 13 Aug 2025). The military adds a second rationale: razor-wire allows “rapid tactical deployment” in case of renewed clashes — a rationale that stretches beyond humanitarian safety.
Notably, the installations accelerated after August 4, when Thai forces first laid wire in An Ses — three days before the GBC ceasefire was signed — suggesting pre-planned fortification rather than purely reactive safety measures (Nation Thailand, 13 Aug 2025).
What Phnom Penh Sees
Cambodian officials present a different picture. On August 13, the Defense Ministry released photographs and statements alleging Thai troops entered Choak Chey village (13.759°N, 102.744°E, Banteay Meanchey) and the An Ses area (13.783°N, 104.967°E, Preah Vihear) to lay razor-wire and tires (Phnom Penh Post, 13 Aug 2025). The Banteay Meanchey provincial administration declared the installations a “unilateral action” inconsistent with the Regional Border Committee (RBC) framework, which requires consultation. Phnom Penh has demanded removal of barriers at multiple locations, including the Ta Moan Thom temple zone (Phnom Penh Post, 13 Aug 2025).
These protests are not only legal but political. Domestically, Hun Manet’s government faces criticism from opposition figures such as Kem Sokha and the Candlelight Party for being too soft on Thailand (Cambodia Daily, 12 Aug 2025). Hardline responses at the border help blunt those attacks, raising the political cost of compromise in Phnom Penh.
The Legal Grey Zone
The legal core of the dispute is procedural. The August 7 GBC communiqué, signed by both nations’ defense ministers, prohibited new troop movements and required both sides to “maintain current status” (ThaiPBS, 8 Aug 2025). Past GBC minutes (November 2024) reaffirmed the principle of “prior notification and mutual consultation for any border activities likely to cause misunderstanding” (Nation Thailand, 23 Nov 2024). Thailand argues that informing Cambodia after installation suffices; Cambodia insists consultation must come first.
Some Thai legal scholars argue Cambodia selectively invokes consultation requirements — Phnom Penh installed its own fortifications near Samrong in late July without RBC notification (Bangkok Post, 10 Aug 2025). However, this does not resolve whether Thailand’s current barriers violate the August 7 ceasefire terms, which reset obligations for both parties.
With GBC-mandated observer teams still not deployed, there is no neutral verification. Each side’s narrative remains self-reinforcing. As former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa observed during the 2011 Preah Vihear crisis: “Border barriers reflect internal politics more than external threats” (ISEAS, 2020).
Stakes on the Ground
The economic stakes are significant. The Bank of Thailand estimated monthly trade losses of 10 billion baht during full closures (Pattaya News, 12 Aug 2025). Export losses could reach 162 billion baht in the second half of 2025 (Nation Thailand, 13 Aug 2025). Meanwhile, displacement has soared: over 138,000 people evacuated in Thailand and more than 300,000 displaced overall along the frontier (Al Jazeera, 5 Aug 2025; Britannica, 2025). These barriers block long-used paths to markets, farms, and family ties, deepening local hardship.
Yet commerce has never outweighed security in Thailand’s border doctrine. In April 2011, four days of fighting near Preah Vihear killed 11 people and forced the reassignment of regional commanders (Reuters, 12 Apr 2011). That memory endures. Today’s generals have little incentive to approve reopening orders that could expose them to similar career-ending risk.
This marks the fourth major cycle of barrier installation since 2008, following deployments in 2008, 2011, and 2019 — each eventually removed through RBC negotiation (ISEAS Working Paper 2020-14). The cycle is familiar: fortify, protest, negotiate, dismantle.
Regional Reverberations
The dispute extends beyond bilateral tensions. ASEAN’s credibility as a conflict-prevention mechanism faces scrutiny, particularly as Myanmar’s crisis strains the bloc’s consensus principle (East Asia Forum, Aug 2025). China watches closely — any Thai-Cambodian escalation could provide Beijing opportunities to position itself as regional stabilizer. Singapore and Indonesia, as ASEAN’s informal leaders, have urged both parties to accept third-party observers (Jakarta Post, 14 Aug 2025). The longer razor-wire remains without neutral verification, the more ASEAN’s relevance in managing member-state disputes comes into question. Early ASEAN-led mediation — especially by Jakarta — could break the impasse.
What to Watch
1. Observer Deployment – GBC-mandated international observers have yet to arrive; their reports could validate or challenge Cambodia’s claims.
2. RBC Meetings – Cambodia is expected to push for emergency sessions to register its protests.
3. UXO Clearance Rates – Thailand Mine Action Center (TMAC) bulletins are the key technical constraint; rising clearance numbers could enable phased openings.
4. Commanders’ Rhetoric – Watch Second Army and Burapha Command statements; a shift from “not ready” to “ready if…” often signals reopening within days.
5. Public Mood in Thailand – A July NIDA poll found over 75% of respondents express high confidence in the armed forces on border issues, versus lower confidence in civilian ministries (Bangkok Post, 30 Jul 2025).
6. Legal Challenges – Either side could invoke the International Court of Justice’s 1962 Preah Vihear ruling or its 2013 interpretation, which emphasized Thailand’s obligation to withdraw from disputed zones (ICJ, 1962/2013).
Bottom Line
The razor-wire now cutting through Sa Kaeo and Surin is more than an obstacle. To Thailand, it represents a law-bound, conditions-based reopening policy under ISOC authority. To Cambodia, it is a sovereignty breach that violates the spirit, if not the letter, of the ceasefire. Until neutral observers arrive, the dispute will remain unresolved.
Historical RBC patterns suggest partial reopening at select commercial crossings in the coming months (ISEAS, 2020). Full normalization is unlikely before the November ASEAN Summit in Malaysia. The formula for resolution exists in the 2000 MOU on Border Cooperation: joint verification, graduated reopening, and face-saving exits for both militaries (ThaiPBS, 10 Aug 2025). What’s missing isn’t a mechanism; it’s the political will to use it. Indonesia and Singapore should lead ASEAN efforts to deploy observers and mediate, ensuring the ceasefire holds.
The gates will not reopen until Thai generals, not diplomats, judge the ground safe. In Thailand’s system, that is not dysfunction. It is design.
Methodology: This analysis synthesizes 47 primary sources, including Thai Defense Ministry communiqués, MFA briefings, Nation Thailand, ThaiPBS, Al Jazeera, Cambodian provincial statements, and verified photographic documentation from August 4–16, 2025. All Thai and Khmer materials were cross-checked with independent translations.
Disclosure: I am Arnaud Darc, Chairman & CEO of Thalias Hospitality Group and Co-Chair of the Government–Private Sector Forum (Working Group D). This article is based on open-source documentation and independent analysis.
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Opinion: Thailand’s misperception of Cambodia
For those who have never been to Cambodia, they cannot let go of such prejudices, shaped by long-term narratives, against Cambodia. But for Cambodian people who live in Cambodia, they have grown tired of reading externally-framed and extremely negative media day-in day-out that has damaged the country’s reputation until today. This has created a persistent misperception of Cambodia among foreigners, including Thais.
1. The thought that “Cambodia is under a dictatorship and its people cannot speak or think differently from the Government”
There is an entrenched misperception among Thais who have never been to Cambodia that Cambodia is under a dictatorship and that the people are blindfolded by the centrally controlled media.
In fact, Cambodians have a wide range of media to choose from. In a country where social media is so prevalent, it is difficult – impossible – to suppress diverse opinions into one single opinion. The only way to do this is to completely shut down social media, and Cambodia has never done that.
With a growing number of people benefiting from better education, greater exposure abroad, and a youth who considers mastering new technologies “cool,” the new generation of Cambodians is a cautious reader. They don’t believe easily. They may not be as expressive or loquacious as political activists expect, but they are silent and critical observers. They understand what is good and what is bad for Cambodia.
They broke their silence when national territorial integrity was at stake, when the peace that Cambodia had enjoyed uninterruptedly for 26 years was at stake.
The recent peace rally in Phnom Penh and the enthusiasm of Cambodians from all walks of life to donate to frontline soldiers and war evacuees do not seem to suggest government-imposed action. They volunteered to do so. They did so wholeheartedly. Tens of thousands of rally supporters were predominantly from the younger generation, and they mobilized not to continue the war, but to end it.
Cambodia’s unity is consistent, from the highest level, His Majesty the King, to the grassroots people and civilian movements. This unity is based on the desire for Peace.
There is no blockage of access to media like what Thailand is doing. For instance, the Bangkok Post and the Nation have blocked access for Cambodian readers.
Cambodian newspapers like the Khmer Times and the Phnom Penh Post also received massive attacks from Thai netizens but they nevertheless chose to open their outlets for Thai readers so that the latter can balance their reading vis-à-vis the narratives created by the Thai government and military.
2. The thought that “Thailand helped Cambodia in the past and now Cambodians shoot at them”
It is an indisputable fact that Thailand assisted in Cambodia’s peacebuilding in the 1980s and 1990s.
At the special lecture at the ASEAN Secretariat on 5 May 2025, Samdech Techo Hun Sen expressed his gratitude toward ASEAN, including Thailand, for their indispensable contribution to Cambodia’s peace process.
“At this point, I acknowledge that Cambodia owes a great deal to ASEAN. We must never forget that ASEAN played a significant role in Cambodia’s peacebuilding process, although Cambodia was not a member of ASEAN at that time. Consider how vital was the role of Thailand in hosting Cambodian refugees and facilitating the return of nearly 400,000 displaced individuals? Why was His Excellency Chavalit Yongchaiyudh willing to facilitate negotiations between Cambodian different factions both in Thailand and even in Japan? Why was Indonesia willing to provide a negotiation platform for Cambodia? And why was His Excellency Ali Alatas willing to step in and act as a mediator in a conflict far from his own country and without a direct impact on its national security? These actions reflect a shared sense of regional responsibility – an institutional spirit that transcends national interests and borders. It exemplifies the use of soft power, the power of negotiation without resorting to gunfire, and relying instead on multilateralism with engagement from multiple stakeholders.”
Contribution to peace process and refugee repatriation were noble acts by Thai government and people.
But showing gratitude does not mean that Cambodia should cede its land and temples to Thailand.
There is no other word to describe Thailand’s actions than invasion: when Thailand attacked the Preah Vihear temple, which the International Court of Justice determined belonged to Cambodia in two separate rulings in 1962 and 2013; when Thailand extended the battlefield from Preah Vihear and Oddar Meanchey provinces to Pursat province; when Thailand used F-16 and Gripen fighter jets to drop massive bombs like the MK-84 and penetrate deep into Cambodian territory; when Thailand continues to use its unilateral map to claim territory and justify its military actions.
Thailand accused Cambodia of attacking civilians, but bullets cannot distinguish between civilians and military personnel, or between different age groups. Despite having more modern weapons and guidance systems, Thailand has attacked pagodas, schools, hospitals, etc., which are by no means military targets.
3. Troubling signals from Thai media and thinkers
The author has been concerned about the complete absence of calls for peace from the community of Thai media and thinkers. The Cambodian media published opinions daily related to the appeal for peace. Some Cambodians are not writers, but they expressed their worries and concerns for the well-being of the country and its people, and they wrote to advocate for peace.
On the contrary, while it is necessary for the Thai media to justify the country’s actions, it is worrying that Thai journalists and thinkers have not called for peace.
While the Cambodian people have shown enthusiasm for the ceasefire, the possible restoration of peace, and the normalization of borders, the same enthusiasm is not found among the Thai media and thinkers.
Media and thinkers are considered as opinion leaders.
Expressing voices for peace is a noble conduct for humanity, not to serve any political agenda or purposes. It is worrying that Thai media and thinkers are not promoting a peace agenda and that the freedom of expression that Thailand often boasts as superior to Cambodia is not serving the goals of democracy, peace and peaceful resolution of conflicts.
The only conclusion we can draw is that the Thai people and media seem dissatisfied with the peace with Cambodia. But this is not a conclusion we want to draw. We want Thai media and thinkers to prove the opposite.
The author Chan Kunthiny is a Phnom Penh-based geopolitical and security analyst. The views and opinions expressed here are the author’s own.
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I'm
a daughter of Cambodia. I grew up in Sihanoukville. I have no political
ambition, nor do I want anything more than what I need in life. I like
to share my thoughts because I want to help.
I must
speak out if I see danger. Based on my analysis of the recent conflict
between Thailand and Cambodia, I see an imminent threat in the coming
years: Thailand will invade and occupy 6 of Cambodia's provinces by
2075. The invasion is not a distant possibility, but a looming danger
that we must address now. Thailand will want Koh Kong, Pursat,
Battambang, Banteay Meanchey, Oddar Meanchey, and Siem Reap back.
Thailand wants all the territories that it ceded to France in 1893.
Thailand is no longer a passive nation. It's becoming more assertive and
aggressive in its territorial claims. One can tell which direction a
country is heading based on the rhetoric coming from its leaders and
citizens, and the rhetoric is alarming. Thailand has imprinted the toxic
seed of ambition in the minds of the new generation. The seed will bear
fruit in the next several decades.
Thailand
has consolidated its power under the monarchy, and there's no turning
back. Thailand revoked the monarchy's power in the early 1900s, but 100
years later, it has partially restored the monarchy's power. The
civilian power is just a pony show for international observers.
The
first stage of war is an information campaign within the country to
gain public support. The second stage is to test the international
response. What just happened was just the second stage. Unfortunately
for Thailand, they never thought Donald Trump would intervene. With the
threat of higher tariffs and the collapse of Thailand's economy, Thai
territorial ambition came to a screeching halt.
However,
Donald Trump won't be here forever for Cambodia. The United States has a
term limit. He's only here for three more years. Thailand has time on
its side. In the future, Thailand may no longer rely on the US market.
As
the world advances, so does military technology. Thailand's use of
drones to bomb Cambodia was just a taste of what's to come. By 2050,
Thailand's military will be far more advanced than Cambodia's. We're
talking about swarm drones, stealth fighter jets, humanoid soldiers, and
naval drones. Cambodia would be outgunned and outmatched. It's like
bringing a gun to a knife fight. By 2100, seizing half of Cambodia would
be a cakewalk, and not even Vietnam would dare to face off with
Thailand.
It's
time for Cambodia to turn a new page. Cambodia's foreign policy needs
to be updated. It's time to bring in the big guns. It's time to bring in
the cowboys from the United States of America. Cambodia needs to amend
the constitution and invite the United States to build and operate a
military base west of Siem Reap, Cambodia. This base would be under
Cambodian sovereignty, with the US military providing support and
protection. What better way to stop Thailand than to have the world's
number one military at its doorstep? Besides, aren't they allies?
America's military base in Cambodia would stop Thailand's ambitions for
good.
The
United States would protect Cambodia's sovereign territory for hundreds
of years to come. No neighbor would dare try to invade Cambodia again.
How do we know this? Over 50 countries have US military bases, and they
are all safe. Nobody invades them. Saudi Arabia is a monarchy, but it
has a US military base. The Philippines' former and current presidents
are father and son, but it has a US military base. Qatar and the United
Arab Emirates are all kingdoms, but they have a US military base.
The
US does not want anybody's territory anymore - not by force. Just look
at World War 2, the US returned all the countries to their owner. The US
is an ocean away from Cambodia. They would be doing us a favor, not the
other way around. If the US wanted other people's territory, it would
not have given back the Philippines after Spain lost the war. The US's
actions in the past demonstrate its commitment to respecting the
sovereignty of other nations, and we can trust that it will do the same
for Cambodia.
What
are the benefits of having a US military base in Cambodia besides
protection? There are significant economic opportunities that come with
hosting a US military base. Investors would feel more confident in their
investment. The government would be more stable. Tourism would likely
increase. The US military would spend money locally, injecting billions
into our economy every year. The military base is not just about
protection, but about a brighter economic future for Cambodia.
In
1860, King Ang Doung and King Norodom requested the French as a
counterbalance to the influence of neighboring states. It's time for
Cambodia to do the same, but this time it's the world's number one
superpower, the United States of America. Currently, Cambodia risks
losing half of its western territories, if not all its territories, if
it does not adapt to the changing geopolitical landscape. Unfortunately,
even in modern times, nations still invade each other, as we see with
the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
I
ask all citizens to share this with their friends, so that our
government can consider this course of action. Your support and voice
are crucial in this decision. Let's stand together for the future of our
beloved Cambodia.
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Donald J. Trump U.S. Department of State
On
July 17th, 2025, the new German Chancellor, Fedreich Merz, had a
message for President Donald Trump: "Stay with us, stay with Europeans."
My plea to President Donald Trump is to stay with us, stay with Cambodians.
Let
me address the elephant in the room first: Cambodia was unable to
develop as many international observers had hoped. There are significant
problems and concerns. There seems to be some conflict every decade or
so. Cambodia is addressing these concerns.
Thailand's
5-day assault on Cambodia was a strategic move that cannot be
overlooked. Thailand utilized every tool in its arsenal: airstrikes,
drones, howitzer artillery, and rockets. Was this a mere border dispute
over a temple or a full-fledged invasion? Let's examine the facts:
Thailand launched attacks at 11 different locations, spanning the entire
800km border and several other provinces in Cambodia. The extended
battle line, far from the disputed temples, is clear evidence that this
was not about the temple. The border conflict was a smokescreen for
territorial expansion. Thailand's invasion plan was only halted due to
President Donald Trump's tariff threat. Cambodia was on the brink of
destruction, and it was President Donald Trump who inadvertently
prevented Thailand's expansion plan from materializing.
In
recent years, Thailand, too, has turned increasingly towards China.
Since the 2014 coup in Thailand, China has become the top arms supplier
to Thailand, alarming Washington. Thailand signed up with China's Belt
and Road Initiative. Thailand signed an agreement to procure weapons
jointly with China. The Thai government's Defence Technology Institute
(DTI) will set up Thailand's first commercial joint defense facility
with China in the northeastern province of Khon Kaen, Thailand. Thailand
participates in a Chinese military exercise called "Falcon Strike,"
while pretending to be a US ally. We should note that Russia conducts
military exercises with China. China's arms sales to Thailand are
equivalent to a political and military alliance. Thailand wants to have
its cake and eat it too.
China's
arms sales to Cambodia are relatively small compared to Thailand, which
is in the billions of dollars, and it's increasing every single year,
according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. The
only difference is that Cambodia had no choice but to buy arms from
China. Thailand can buy from the United States, but it chooses to buy
from China, a calculated realignment with Beijing. China invests $30B in
Thailand with over $120B in bilateral trade, while Cambodia accounts
for only a fraction of that. Cambodia-China bilateral trade is less than
$20B. China's investment in Cambodia is just several billion dollars.
The real Chinese ally is Thailand, not Cambodia.
While
Bangkok points fingers at Phnom Penh for aligning with China, Thailand
is guilty of the very thing it's accusing its neighbor of, but on a much
larger scale. Unlike Phnom Penh, Thailand not only aligns with China
but also pretends to be a US ally. Thailand's double-dealing is a
betrayal of trust at its finest.
Arms
sales to Thailand are understandable if arms are for defensive
purposes, but to bomb your neighbor into submission over a disputed
temple is not defensive at all. To use American arms to coerce Cambodia
from seeking the world court to adjudicate the disputed claims is not
only Russian-like, but it goes against the spirit of the American
end-user agreement.
The
world cannot ignore Cambodia. Since the United States dropped 2.7M tons
of bombs on Cambodia (more than WW2 combined), it has been through hell
and back. From civil war to genocide, Cambodia came back. Since then,
the world has come together to build this project. Cambodia is the
world's project. Please stay with us. Please help us see that this
project is completed and successful.
I
ask President Donald Trump to stay with us, stay with Cambodia. In the
age of might is right, Cambodia cannot be another victim of imperialist
expansionism, just like what Russia is doing to Ukraine. Thailand and
Cambodia have overlapping cultural claims. We cannot allow Thailand to
swallow Cambodia and erase the Khmer culture and identity that dates
back two millennia. Kyiv was the first East Slavic city. Moscow is now
trying to rewrite history and claim it as Russian. Angkor Wat was the
center of the Khmer state a millennium ago; now, Bangkok, too, wants to
rewrite history and reclaim it as Thailand.
Thank
you, President Donald Trump, for your intervention between Thailand and
Cambodia. Millions of Cambodians and I are rooting for your Nobel Prize
nomination, as you truly deserve it. I will make it my personal goal to
campaign for your Nobel Peace Prize. 360,000 Americans who identified
as Cambodian will also root for you. God bless you and God bless the
United States of America!
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On
August 3rd, 2025, the Ministry of Defence of Thailand posted on
Facebook, highlighting the significant humanitarian role Thailand played
under the Khmer Rouge. Hundreds of thousands of Cambodians sought
refuge in Thailand, a beacon of hope during the dark times of the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime.
I
can only speak for myself. I am very grateful for Thailand. I am
thankful for much more than the refugee camps. I wish to thank Thailand
for opening its doors to over two million Cambodian migrant workers to
seek work in Thailand over the past 20 years, helping to alleviate
poverty and suffering in Cambodia. Thailand was the land of
opportunities for many Cambodians.
The
war between Thailand and Cambodia is a tragic chapter in our shared
history. We, as neighbors, should strive for unity and understanding,
not conflict.
If
Thailand's beef is with the Phnom Penh regime and not the Cambodian
people, who are mostly poor farmers, then war is the wrong answer.
Regime change at the cost of territorial concession is not politically
palatable for many Cambodians. Cambodians from all political parties are
united against a foreign invasion, not because they support the Phnom
Penh regime, but because they do not want Cambodia to lose more
territory.
If
Thailand wants to play a constructive role in helping Cambodia develop,
then it should help foster civil groups in Cambodia, not drop bombs on
provincial soldiers and defenseless villagers. Thailand should help
Cambodia economically. The sooner Cambodia develops, the easier it is
for Cambodians to contemplate their rights. People cannot function if
their stomach is empty.
While
I do offer my gratitude to Thailand, I also want to remind the people
of Thailand about inconvenient truths that Thailand cannot ignore.
Thailand wittingly let China use its territory to funnel arms to the Pol
Pot regime (the Khmer Rouge). Smuggling weapons to Pol Pot was a covert
operation by the Thai military. China created the Khmer Rouge. The
Khmer Rouge brutally killed millions of innocent Cambodians. While the
Khmer Rouge is guilty of manslaughter, Thailand is, to some extent,
guilty by association.
Many
Thai military officers became millionaires from trading with the Khmer
Rouge. Thailand purchased Cambodia's natural resources at a fraction of
their value, including gemstones from Pailin and lumber in western
Cambodian territories. The relationship between Thailand and the Khmer
Rouge regime was so close that the Khmer Rouge officers had bank
accounts and homes in Thailand.
History
is a complex tapestry, woven with inconvenient truths and complicated
realities. To truly understand the context of today's conflict between
Thailand and Cambodia, we must be willing to dig deeper and explore the
nuances of our shared past.
What
forced ethnic Tai people to migrate to Southeast Asia in the early
1000s CE? Chinese Han expansionism and ethnic cleansing. China was an
expansionist empire that forced many ethnic Tai people to flee from
their native land in southern China into Southeast Asia or face certain
death. Han people were originally from the central plain of northern
China. They slowly expanded southward, pushing all the ethnic minorities
south of China into Southeast Asia.
Thai
people sought refuge under the Khmer Empire for hundreds of years
because of Chinese expansionism before founding their first kingdom,
Sukhothai, in 1238. From Sukhothai to Ayutthaya, Thailand annexed all of
Cambodia's western territories during the fall of Angkor in 1431.
Should
the Ministry of Defence of Cambodia issue a letter demanding that
Thailand show gratitude for saving them from Han expansionism, or for
Thailand annexing 33 provinces from the Angkorian legacy? Perhaps not.
I
have no animosity because of what kingdoms typically did during ancient
times. Kings wage war. Kings expand their empire. Kings are not
accountable to their people. Kings are above the law. We shouldn't hate
each other today because of what our ancestors did in the past. We
shouldn't wage war for territorial expansion in modern times because we
are not under kings anymore.
Despite
all of this, I still would like all of Thailand to know that I am
deeply grateful for Thailand's humanitarian role in assisting Cambodia
during its most difficult times.
I
hope that Thailand and Cambodia can normalize relations as soon as
possible. I hope Thailand's leaders can dial down the tone and rhetoric
that can discriminate against ordinary Cambodians. Some people in
Thailand are attacking innocent Khmer migrant workers in broad daylight.
Khmer people are human beings as well, and we too aspire for a better
life just like the good people of Thailand.
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